Soon, we will be able to see whether Daniel Ortega, the new Nicaraguan president, is red or pink.

When he talks about private property, the Roman Catholic Church, remittances and free trade agreements, he seems to be Ortega "light," or pink. But when he shows up in Havana to celebrate the birthday of ailing dictator Fidel Castro or goes along with his buddy Hugo Chavez's anti-American harangues, his "red" side emerges and reminds us of that kid who, at age 14, became an anti-Somoza guerrilla fighter.

Whichever shade he is, Ortega was able to outmaneuver everyone else in Nicaragua's political quicksand in the quest to return to the presidency after 17 years. That is his forte. Had the two liberal candidates united, Ortega would not be president now. But they did not. What a mistake. In politics, there is no place for "could haves" or "would haves."

The big question now is whether Ortega has really changed.

Indeed, Jaime Morales, the new Nicaraguan vice president, believes Ortega is a different man.

"None of us are the same as we were 18 years ago," Morales said in an interview at his elegant home on the outskirts of Managua soon after winning the elections. "I was an opponent, and before that, I was an enemy (of Ortega)."

Not anymore.

The relationship between Ortega and Morales is one of the big mysteries in Nicaraguan politics. Morales was a banker, an academic, a Contra leader and a liberal adviser to previous presidents _ in other words, the polar opposite of Ortega. And if that wasn't enough, Ortega, after the triumph of the Sandinista Revolution in 1979, stole Morales' house. Ortega still lives there to this day.

"How did Ortega seduce you?" I asked Morales.

"I wouldn't say he enamored or seduced me," he said seriously. "I believe it was a matter of conviction. We agreed to put aside the acrimony and resentment of the past ... This way, we would have the chance to try to lift this country out of its underdeveloped state."

Morales assured me Ortega is neither Marxist _ "I don't believe there are any Orthodox Marxists left in the world" _ or Communist. "I wouldn't be on his side if he were," he said.

On a personal level, I found it difficult to understand how Morales could accept the vice presidential office from someone who appropriated his beautiful, luxurious, huge home in Managua, which was filled with valuable paintings and antiques. And so I asked him about it.

"The house is now his," he explained. "Revolutions are like raging rivers that sweep up everything in their path. Had I still been stewing over rumors and events of the past, I wouldn't have accepted the commander's invitation." Morales stills refers to Ortega as the "commander."

Morales's wife, Amparo Vazquez de Morales _ an elegant Mexican who feels "more Nicaraguan than ever" _ feels the same. She said she didn't see the house issue as an obstacle.

"I don't feel he (Ortega) stole our house," she told me calmly. "There was a revolution and we were victims of a revolution. I feel that person occupied my house under different circumstances."

Vazquez and Rosario Murillo (Ortega's wife) had a dispute over the house a few years ago. Dispute or not, neither has been willing to speak publicly about the incident, and up to now have kept a diplomatic and respectful distance.

"Rosario is wholly committed to her job," Amparo told me. "So we haven't had a chance yet to get to know each other."

The Ortegas have since returned some of the furniture _ such as the huge carved-wood dining table _ to the Morales. It seems both families have reached an agreement. They are the only ones who know the details. However, the fact is the "commander" and "Don Jaime" _ as Ortega calls him _ work together now.

Some Nicaraguans with whom I spoke see Morales as a "traitor" and "opportunist," who "sold his soul to the devil" and took advantage of the situation to obtain "the best job of his career."

But others see Morales as a "guarantee" that Ortega won't slide too much to the left, and that the all-important and necessary relationship with the United States will be, at least, cordial. The vice president is aware of this.

Morales is like a fragile bridge in a country where political extremes are accustomed to hatred.

"Did you forgive (him)?" I asked Morales and his wife.

"Totally, absolutely," Amparo Morales replied

"We forgave and forgot," Morales added. "I think the only thought we hold on to is not to repeat the mistakes of the past. The house was never an issue. The interests of Nicaragua are above anything personal."

If the Morales family could absolve Ortega, can the rest of Nicaragua forgive him and allow him the chance to govern?

We will have the answer when Ortega's real color shows.